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- Sales Rank: #15469365 in Books
- Published on: 1960
- Binding: Paperback
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THE FRENCH CATHOLIC “THOMIST” PHILOSOPHER LOOKS AT POLITICAL ISSUES
By Steven H Propp
Jacques Maritain (1882-1973) was a French philosopher who converted to Catholicism in 1906; he was known as a prominent "neo-Thomist." He wrote many books, such as Natural Law: Reflections On Theory & Practice, An Introduction to Philosophy, Scholasticism and Politics, A Preface to Metaphysics, On the Use of Philosophy, 3 Reformers: Luther Descartes Rousseau, The Social and Political Philosophy of Jacques Maritain, etc.
[NOTE: page numbers below refer to the 219-page paperback edition.]
He wrote in the “Acknowledgment” section of this 1951 book, “The book is the outgrowth of six lectures given in December 1949 under the auspices of the Charles R. Walgreen Foundation for the Study of American Institutions.”
He wrote in the first chapter, “The State is not the supreme incarnation of the Idea, as Hegel believed; the State is not a kind of collective superman; the State is but an agency entitled to use power and coercion; and made up of experts and specialists in public order and welfare, an instrument in the service of man. Putting man at the service of that instrument is political perversion. The human person as an individual is for the body politic and the body politic is for the human person as a person. But man is by no means for the State. The State is for man.” (Pg. 13)
He suggests, “So perhaps it will be possible, in a pluralistically organized body politic, to make the State into a topmost agency concerned only with the final supervision of the achievements of institutions born out of freedom, whose free interplay expressed the vitality of a society integrally just in its basic structures.” (Pg. 23) But later, he clarifies, “genuine Sovereignty can by no means be ascribed to the State. The State is not and has never been genuinely sovereign.” (Pg. 43) He adds, “In the spiritual sphere there is a valid concept of Sovereignty. God, the separate Whole, is Sovereign over the created world. According to the Catholic faith, the Pope, in his capacity of vicar of Christ, is sovereign over the Church.” (Pg. 49)
He comments on Gandhi: “there is quite another order of means, of which Western civilization is hardly aware, and which offers the human mind an infinite field of discovery---the spiritual means systematically applied to the temporal realm, a striking example of which has been Gandhi’s … ‘means of spiritual warfare.’ … In my opinion, Gandhi’s theory and technique should be related to and clarified by the Thomistic notion that the principal act of the virtue of fortitude is not the act of attacking, but that of enduring, bearing, suffering with constancy.” (Pg. 68-69)
He observes, “there is, by the very virtue of human nature, an order or a disposition which human reason can discover and according to which human reason can discover and according to which the human will must act to attune itself to the essential and necessary ends of the human being. The unwritten law, or natural law, is nothing more than that.” (Pg. 86)
He argues, “For a philosophy which recognizes Fact alone, the notion of Value---I mean Value objectively true in itself---is not conceivable. How, then, can one claim rights if one does not believe in values? If the affirmation of the intrinsic value and dignity of man is nonsense, the affirmation of the natural rights of man is nonsense also.” (Pg. 97)
He points out, “Nineteenth century bourgeois democracy was NEUTRAL even with regard to freedom Just as is had no common good, it has no real common thought… it had become a society without any idea of itself and without faith in itself, without any COMMON FAITH which could enable it to resist disintegration. But the all-important point to be noted here is that this faith and inspiration, and the concept of itself which democracy needs---all these do not belong to the order of religious creed and eternal life, but to the temporal or secular order of earthly life, but to the temporal or secular order of earthly life, of culture or civilization. The ‘faith’ in question is a CIVIC or SECULAR faith, not a religious one. Nor is it that philosophic substitute for religious faith, that adherence forced upon all by reason’s demonstrations, which the [18th and 19th] century philosophers sought in vain.” (Pg. 110)
He notes, “From the advent of Christianity on, religion has been taken out of the hands of the State; the terrestrial and national frameworks in which the spiritual was confined have been shattered; its universality together with its freedom have been manifested in full bloom. Nay more, how could that universality of the Church be manifested except as a token of her superiority?” (Pg. 152)
He summarizes, “man is a member both of the body politic and, if he adheres to the Church, of that supra-temporal society which is the Church. He would be cut in two if his temporal membership were cut off from his spiritual membership… the Christian political society which we are discussing would be aware of the fact that Christian truths and incentives and the inspiration of the Gospel… are the very soul, inner strength, and spiritual stronghold of democracy… a Christian democracy… must, under penalty of disintegration, keep alive in itself the Christian sense of human dignity and human equality, of justice and freedom. For the political society really and vitally Christian which we are contemplating, the suppression of any actual contact and connection, that is, of any mutual help, between the Church and the body politic would simply spell suicide.” (Pg. 176-177)
He asserts, ”the condemnation of theological liberalism by the Catholic Church will never be amended. This is because the theological liberalism implied the false philosophy of the absolute metaphysical autonomy of human reason and will. It made the so-called ‘modern liberties’ absolute and limitless to such an extent that man’s obligations either toward truth or toward the common good simply vanished away.” (Pg. 180)
This book will be “must reading” for anyone interested in the political implications of Maritain’s philosophy.
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